NEWISSUES
Nigerians were recently treated to a low-level outing in London by a secessionist movement for the creation of an independent Yoruba Republic out of Nigeria. The arrowhead of the said agitation was one Sunday Adeniyi Adeyemo a.k.a, Sunday Igboho. As part of his deplomatic offensive, Igboho thought it wise to seek the support of the government of the UK. He thus fired his letter of demand to the Prime Minister, after which he addressed his supporters, right in front of Downing Street. Among the reasons advanced by Igboho that informed the Yoruba quest for secession was the need to break free from the Fulani exploitation, oppression, domination, and criminality.
Ordinarily, people would not take Igboho and his movement seriously, but for the fact that he was re-echoing the sentiments of eminent Yoruba personalities like Pa Professor Steven Adebanji Akintoye, the leader of the “Yoruba Self-determination Movement (Ilano Omo Oodua).” The same vision for Yoruba nation resonates with a cross-section of the Council of Yoruba Elders (CYE) who called for a similar agitation in paid Advertorials recently. With these groundswell of support, Igboho and his ilk seem to be in good hands. He represents a metaphor that says, ” The beautiful dance steps of a puppet are usually programmed by a puppeteer.” Better still, the saying that “if one sees someone dancing in the middle of the road, expect a drummer to be in the nearby bush.”
The agitation in the South West, too, could be drawing inspiration from the activities of MASSOP and IPOB in the neighbouring South East. The IPOB leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, had cause to write a letter to President Biden of the US in 2021 to help pull Biafra out of Nigeria.
It could also be to even out the existence of similar movements across parts of the country; a kind of democratisation of agitation and/or violence as a tool for national dialogue. It may also be part of a grand strategy and a warning shot towards 2027 and beyond. Igboho thus went to the UK to test the waters with a divorce message.
The Rush To Foreign “Divorce Courts”
The content of the Igboho letter wasn't made public, unlike the IPOB's one to the US government. However , enough could be deciphered from his address. One was Igboho's understanding that Nigeria was amalgamated in 1914 with a lifespan of 100 years. Nigeria has thus expired, and so does the “marriage certificate.” It is no longer valid and reasoned that the consequent parts should go their separate ways.
The group maintained that during the “forced” union between the Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo on one hand, the Fulani on the other, it was “only the Fulani is enjoying” as such the Yoruba race, “don't want Nigeria.” The group went further to accuse the Fulani (the herdsmen supposedly) of killing Yoruba and also raping their women.” To psych up his audience, Igboho pledged to lay his life in defence of Yoruba land.
The frenzy that marked the call for divorce in London is a seeming replica of Kanu's plea to the US and the UN on the other side of the Atlantic. Kanu's grouse, at that time (2021), was, however, with Nigeria as a whole and not necessarily the Fulani. Though on various occasions, he had lampooned them too. So he laid the ground for divorce from Nigeria to include, being complicit in prosecuting Christian Biafrans under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act; and supporting a United Nations organised and conducted referendum (sic) on restoring Biafran independence,” with a view to leaving the Fulani and Hausa. Nnamdi Kanu at a stage likened the North and, indeed, Nigeria as a zoo housing “animals.
For nations to break up, just like couples should not be a big deal, especially when the marriage becomes increasingly toxic and abusive. However, the divorce process should be civil devoid of utter falsehood and blackmail underpinned by ignorance of the elementary sense of history as in the case of the misdirected bashing of the Fulani in Nigeria.
A little lesson in history could be of help
The presence of the Fulani race in what turned out to be Northern Nigeria happened as far back as the 14th century AD. Precisely, during the times of the defunct Hausa City States of Kano, Zazzau, Daura, etc, and mainstream Songhai, Kanem-Borno, and Kwararrafa empires.
History tells us that the Fulani originated from the Highlands of the Futa Jalon, Futa Toro, in present-day republics of Guinea, Senegal, and Mauritania. Lands that were conducive for both livestock and arable farming. Abdullahi Dan Fodio, a sibling of Usman Dan Fodio, posited a somewhat earlier origin for the Fulani.
In Bala Usman (2006, p.36), Abdullah maintained that the Fulani descended from Rum ( Roman Byzantine, now Turkey) and claims that their tribe Turudbi came from Futa . They originate from one of the tribes of Rum (Roman) whose King accepted Islam and gave out one of his daughters Uqba bin Amr ( presumably Moorish Arab). It was from this marriage that the Fulani race descended. However, instead of speaking the paternal language they adopted the Fulatanci/Fulfulde, the native language of their maternal cousins in Futa land (Abdullah Fodio, Tazyin alwaraqat). Probably, that was why, the Fulani language has been classified among the Niger-Congo group.
The Futa Jalon Highlands, as it were, was the source of one of the longest water ways in Africa; the River Niger. It traversed the entire gamut of the West African region from the west to the east, passing through Mali, Niger, and Nigeria before emptying into the Atlantic ocean via the Niger Delta region. Naturally, the river should be of great attraction to livestock rearing groups such as the Fulani. The river provided both water and pasture in abundance for grazing, plus a conducive weather as a bonus. It was through this nomadic journey and, to a lesser extent, commerce that brought them in decisive number to the Hausa land.
In Hausa land while one group of the Fulani became sedentary and decided to engage in commerce and arable farming besides raising livestock, the other maintained the nomadic tradition moving herds from one point to the other in response to seasonal water and pasture opportunities. This transhumance among the Fulani brought them into contact with various cultures and faiths, especially Islamic culture . They also became more accommodating because they interacted with different communities, often with different temperaments. In the process, intermarriage ensured, making the Fulani, the most diverse and widely spread race in Africa. And, naturally referred to variously as; Fula, Peul, Fillata, Plasar, Pullar etc.
In the Magrib Arab region of Africa (Morocco, Mauritania, Algeria etc) the Fulani came into contact with Islam during the early days and so produced a long line of Islamic clerics and missionaries. The revered Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio's family happened to be one of the most prominent ones. The family was influenced by the teachings of such scholars as al-Maghil (1440-1504), a North African. Dan fodio, it was, that initiated what came to be known as the Fulani Jihad in 1804 and established the Sokolo Caliphate in Hausaland and neighbouring regions.
It should be emphasised here that when the Fulani arrived in Hausaland in the 14th century, Islam was already on the ground. So was it in Kanem-Borno and many other parts of present-day Northern Nigeria. The practice, however, was considered not to be “pure” enough by Dan Fodio and his group. He thus decided to embark on a reform process. His grandfather, whom he was named after first, settled in Gobir region, where his father Muhammad was born. Muhammad taught Usman and others the “correct” version of Islam and preached to the people to imbibe it. Usman later initiated Fulani Jihad, starting in Gobir, then Sokoto area before pushing outward. A sort of reformation movement. To purify the existing practices. He was basically a reformer (mujaddadi) and re-emphasiser, which in Hsusa could mean “jaddada.”
The Fulani, like most ethnic groups, is not monolithic. They are divided into clans according to either lineage, geography, or both. The Dan Fodio family is the Torobe. Other prominent ones, especially in Nigeria, include the Bororoji, Deneji, Toronkawa, Sullubawa, Kitako, Wodabe, Genawa, Mallawa, Dambazawa, etc. Just like the Yoruba who have such identities as the Egba, Yewa, Ijebu, Ekiti, Ogbomina, Ijesha, etc. And the Igbo classified into such blocks as Ngwa, Wawa, Iza, Ika, Ikwere, and the likes. The Kanuri have the Mobbar, Gamargu, Manga, Ngazar, etc. The Fulani went further to have a mutant hybrid identity called Hausa-Fulani, which is really a misnomer.
The term Hausa-Fulani as a misnomer
The Fulani has been one of the socially liberal ethnic groups when it comes to marriage. It could be in its DNA or nomadic experience that brought them together with different ethnic nationalities that invariably made them appreciate outsiders more. It could also be a strategy for spreading the reformed Islamic practices easier among the “conquered” societies. But could the intermarriage between the Fulani and the host communities be responsible for the hyphenated Hausa-Fulani term? The answer is certainly not!
The phrase has its roots in Nigeria's pre-independance politics. In 1954, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) won 134 seats, NCNC 89, Action Group (AG) 73, and Independents (NEPU, Igala Tribal Union, Niger Delta Congress),16. The total seats in the Assembly/Parliament were 312. To form a government, a party must win upto 156 seats, which even the top party, the NPC didn't get. A coalition was, therefore, formed among the NPC, the Independents, and those who cross carpeted from the AG to put NPC's Balewa in power.
In sharing Parliamentary committees leadership positions the Southern members didn't want to loose out and so decided to lump the Hausa members and their Fulani counterparts as one group to reduce the number that should otherwise go to the two individually.
The first impulse of the Hausa and Fulani members was to keep resisting the forced marriage but soon discovered that it would work to their advantage. They eventually became a formidable voting block, having acquired a hybrid identity. Hausa-Fulani has since become a political phantom whose mention elicits fears across the nation's geopolitical divide since independence. Incidentally, even the individuals who naturally are either Hausa or Fulani had got sucked into the confusion. Confusion, because in most African societies, people derive their identity through their fathers regardless of their mother's ethnic background and shared cultural outlooks and traditions. That's why there are hardly any references by such things as Igbo-Hausa, Babur-Kanuri, Kataf-Fulani, Hausa-Yoruba etc ethnic groups
The numerical strengths
After uncoupling the politically coupled Hausa-Fulani hybrid identity, what is the size of the Fulani in Nigeria? The answer to this question is really a tough call given the fact that the availability of reliable statistics is a big challenge. Thus, in matters like this, recourse has to be made to approximation, estimation, and guessing, usually in ranges. From various sources, (the internet inclusive), the numerical strengths of the four major ethnic groups in Nigeria could be in the following ranges; Hausa 30%, Yoruba 23%, Igbo 18% and Fulani 12% of the 200 million plus, Nigerians.
The Fulani, as cattle breaders have been the major source of meat and dairy products that feed the nation.Over 80% of livestock, especially cattle and sheep, are raised by the herdsmen branch of the Fulani. Livestock tax called “jangali” used to be one of the major contributors of revenue for the defunct Northern Nigerian government. The Fulani, along with other groups, have equally been paying their dues towards the nation building.
Participation in governance”
There have been growing allegations and pushback against the Fulani hegemony and domination in national affairs for sometime now. The question is, are they justified or are they mere perceptions? Are the Fulani actually getting more than their fair share of Nigeria's resources and opportunities, given the group's numerical strength? The answers to these questions could be ascertained by interrogating the manning positions of leadership in the polity and the economy.
Nigeria has had about fourteen national leaders since independence in 1960. Out of this, only two were of apparent Fulani extraction. They were Shehu Shagari and Muhammadu Buhari. The rest were either Sayawa (Balewa), Igbo (Ironsi), Angas (Gowon), Hausa (Abdulsalami) Yoruba (Obasanjo, Shonekan, Tinubu), Kanuri (Abacha), Kanuri extraction (Yar Adua), Ijaw (Jonathan) or others (IBB, Murtala).Out of the 64 years of independence, the two Fulani leaders took 14 only. Maybe slightly more.
The composition of the Supreme Military Council after the first coup had only one Fulani Hassan Usman Katsina. They were Ironsi (Head of State and C-in-C), Ogundipe, Wey, Gowon, Kurubo, Ojukwu, Ejoor, and Fajuyi. Under Gowon, the membership comprised Wey, Adebayo, Ejoor, Johnson, Kam Selem, and the only Fulani man, Hassan Usman (ref, SiollunM 2009).
The civil war (1967-1970) was prosecuted by diverse groups in which the Fulani was not dominant. Adekunle, Obasanjo, IBB, Magoro, Abacha, DogonYaro, Shuwa, Kyari, IBM Haruna etc, all played crucial roles.
The subscription of the Fulani in such security outfits as the Army and Police high command has been modest. Out of over 27 Chief of Army Staff Nigeria had, only 4 or 5 were Fulani (Hassan Usman Katsina, Aliyu Gusau, Abdulrahman Dambazau, Farouk Yahaya). The rest was made up of Akahan, T.Y.Danjumma, Akirinnade, Gibson Jalo, Wushishi, IBB, Abacha, Salihu Ibrahim, Chris Alli, Kazir, Bamaiyi, Malu, Ogomudia, Agwai, Azazi, Yusuf, Ihejirika, Minima, Buratai and Lagbaja.
On the other hand also, the Police leadership has not been any better because it had 6 out of 20 or so, Inspector General of Police (IGP). They include MD Yusuf, Adamu Suleiman, Ringim, Coomasie, and Abba.The non Fulani were Edet, Kam Selem, Adewusi, Inyang, Jimeta, Atta, Smith, Balogun, Ehindero, Okiro, Onovo, Arase, Idris, Baba, and currently Egbetokun.
The leadership of the Civil Service never gave Fulani dorminance either. Of the 20 or more Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), people of Fulani extraction that held the seat were less than six; Yayale, Idris, Aliyu Mohammed, Saleh. Among the prominent non Fulani ones were Adebo, Odunsi, Nwapa, Majekodunmi, Umara, Ekaette, Kingibe, Babachir, Boss Mustapha.
The Nigerian Senate, leadership too, has never granted undue favour to the Fulani. Available record indicates that no Fulani has occupied the seat. In the first Republic, it was Zik, Osadebay, and Orizu. The second Republic had Wayas and Ayu. Next came Ebute, Enwerem, Okadigbo, Anyim, Wabara, Nnamani, Mark, Saraki, Lawan, and Akpabio.
Embodiments of the Fulani values
The late Sardauna, a Prince of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, the late Shehu Shagari, President of the Federal Republic, and lately Muhammad Buhari can be considered as the best representations of the Fulani essence and values in Nigeria where they held sway. They provide windows to the understanding of the race in terms of simplicity, integrity, and fair play. These three gentlemen may not be perfect (nobody is), but they have honour.
At regional level, even though the Premier, Ahmadu Bello was Fulani, his cabinet was the most diverse in the history of Nigeria in terms of faiths, ethnicity, and geography. The Sardauna, under his “Northernisation” policy, operated above tribalism (Fulani sentiments). According to John N. Baden (1986), more than 50% of Sardauna's first set of Permanent Secretaries came from Borno namely; Muhammad Lawan, Ahmed Talib and Bukar Shuaib. The remaining two are Yahaya Gusau and Ali Akilu. He topped the pack by appointing Sir Kashim Ibrahim as the governor of the region.
Just like the Sardauna, of recent Buhari rose above Fulani sentiments and gave Borno and neighbouring Adamawa State a generous share of positions in his Administration. It was so generous that it elicited discomfort even in his home zone of the North West.
The roll-call included Abba Kyari Chief of Staff, Monguno National Security Advisor, Magu Head of EFCC, Mele Kyari GMD NNPC, Dunoma MD FAAN,Kuru MD AMCON; Dauda Ag. NIA CEO; Buratai Army Chief of Staff. From nearby Adamawa, two Kilba “cousins,” Babachir and Boss Mustapha, were given SGF in succession. Chief of Air Staff went to Bauchi. All in one geopolitical zone. The impact of these massive patronage of the region was neither here nor there. In all these, maybe only one or two are Fulani.
Shagari may not be a strong and visionary leader like Sardauna, but he was a humble team player and easygoing. He was a bridge builder who worked well with all and sundry during his four-year presidency. He had good rapport with his Vice President Alex Ekwueme, Senate President Joseph Wayas, Speaker Ezeoke, and the National Party Chairman of his party the NPN, Chief Adisa Akinloye.And over 40 years since he left office nobody had mentioned his name in matters of corruption or other forms of iniquities.
Economic participation
On the economic spheres, too, the Fulani punched below its weight, especially in the oil and Gas sector. As it were, Oil has been the greatest earner of the critically needed forex to develop the Nigerian economy since the late 60s and beyond. It is the goose that lays the golden egg and the source of quick wealth. Because of the capital intensive nature of the sector, over 80% of it's operations are in the hands of International Oil Companies (IOCs) such as Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), Mobil Producing Nigeria (Exxon-Mobil), Chevron Nigeria, Total Elf, Addax etc. The Federal government partner with them under a Joint Venture arrangement. The remaining 20% of the activities have been put in the hands of local ventures.
As of today, there are over twenty major local operators in the oil and gas sector, especially on the marginal oil fields. Some of the prominent ones include, Seplat, Pan Ocean, Alfred James Petroleum, Soglas Nigeria Ltd, NorthEast Petroleum, Transcorp, Famfa Oil Ltd, Yinka Folawiyo Petroleum Company, Oando, Amni International, Sunlink Petroleum, Atlas, Consolidated Oil, Summit Oil, Cavendish, Oronto Petroleum Ltd, Malabo, Sahara oil, Oriental Energy, South Atlantic, Universal Energy.
These major local oil companies (LOCs) don't belong to Northerners, except, South Atlantic (T.Y.Danjuma), Oriental (Indimi), Oil and Gas Ltd (M.O.Idrisu), Cavendish (Gubio & Deribe family), NorthEast Petroleum (Saleh Jambo) Optimum (Bunu), Amni International (Sani Bello), Seplat Petroleum (Nasiru A.Bayero) and maybe some few others. The Fulani stakeholders even from the Northern perspective are not that dominant either aside individuals like Sani Bello, Nasiru, Jambo,and maybe a couple more.
Further more , the entire stock of major banks in Nigeria is not in the hands of Northerners, including the Fulani. The same thing with prominent telecommunications and ICT companies. This is, however, not to say there aren't Northerners or Fulani on their boards. Such guys are, however, there to either fulfil regulatory requirements or for marketing purposes.
From the foregoing, therefore, where is the Fulani prowess? In what contexts could the Fulani have been perceived as being exploitative and dominating as bandied by Igboho, Kanu, and other bashers? Can an individual race or nation dominate without being a decisive economic, technological, and political actor? In reality is the collective condition of the Fulani (township and nomadic) the best they could wish for? Certainly not, if considerations are made as regards the socioeconomic disposition of most especially the nomadic branch. Today, even though, the Fulani have a huge stake and claim to the “national cake” that they were part of the baking process, access to opportunities,such as in education, heath care, and utilities have been out of their reach.
According to UNICEF (2023), over 20 million children are out of school in the country . It is estimated that about 16 million are domiciled in the North. The Nomadic Education Programme and the Almajiri School system had largely been abandoned. It is not a brainer to know that more than half this number could be kids of Fulani extraction. Even the ratio of women accessing child and maternal health care is stark against the North in general and the Fulani inclusive, disproportionately. Joblessness and poverty have taken over the North of which the Fulani is an integral part.
Conclusion and way forward
To profile the Fulani and hold it as one of the bases for secessionist agitations is not only disingenuous but highly uncharitable. Secessionist movements should look further, and beyond ethnic profiling. Yes, there may be some bad eggs among the Fulani, just like found in others, but collective accusations and blackmail are never the best way out. Unfortunately, some people can't disabuse their minds easily having been so programmed over generations! Ethnic prejudices built over time are something difficult to undo, but a couple of recommendations can go a long way in making a difference.
Secessionist movements, especially those driving the process, should endeavour to enlighten themselves with the basic history of their targets. This will provide an intelligent and convincing context in their demands both at home and abroad with little fuss.
The government of Nigeria on its part should re emphasise the teaching of history in Nigeria. The level of ignorance displayed by some of the separatist agitators are some times disconcerting. In mounting agitations arming oneself with facts about people, places, sights, and sounds facilitate buy-in easily. Even in proganda, facts are sacrosanct and they matter.
People are free to agitate to separate from Nigeria. It is part of everyone's constitutional rights, but most rights come with obligations, one of which is to respect other people's rights, too, plus their integrity. Some of the moves by some of the separatist agitators at the global arena are not only condescending, belittling but also very demeaning. Incidentally, the trio of Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba belong to the same Niger-Congo. Nigeria's problems have to do more with governance, rather than ethnic differences. Let those beating the drums of crisis be so guided.
